Newly appointed British Ambassador to Georgia, Gareth Ward, joined the Foreign and Commonwealth Office in 1996, and served as the British Ambassador to Vietnam from August 2018 to July 2022. His expertise includes roles such as Deputy Director and Head of the China Department (2014-2017) and Consul General in St Petersburg (2010-2013). Ambassador Ward began his diplomatic career in 1998 as Second Secretary (Political) at the UK Embassy in Moscow. Radio Free Europe/RL’s Georgian Service sat down with him this week to discuss the UK’s ongoing concerns about Georgia, kicking off with a positive run-down of the bilateral ties linking the two countries.
“I first visited Georgia 25 years ago, and I’ve witnessed its development over the years. Last week, we received excellent news: direct flights will resume between London and Tbilisi, making travel much easier for tourists and businesspeople alike,” he tells us.
There is a concerning narrative surrounding democracy in Georgia
“When we talk about bilateral relations between the UK and Georgia, economic ties stand out. The London Stock Exchange plays a significant role here, with many of Georgia’s largest banks represented. London and the UK are key sources of investment for Georgia.
“In terms of security, the UK has consistently supported Georgia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, not just through words, but also through concrete actions. We collaborate with the Georgian military and provide assistance in cyber security, understanding the challenges posed by Russia’s presence.
“Education is another vital area. Many Georgian students benefit from British education at universities, and the British Council teaches thousands of Georgians, including teachers, to ensure English is accessible in schools across the country,” the Ambassador notes.
What are your thoughts on the developments seen in the country over the last year?
We are concerned about some of the recent political developments in Georgia. We have said publicly that we think that the foreign influence law damages civil society and independent media, and that it’s not compatible with the Euro Atlantic pathway. There is also a law which has just been passed in the third reading, the so-called family values law. And again, we’ve said publicly that we are concerned by that law. We believe it discriminates against certain communities, and that it’s not in line with European values.
There’s also, I would suggest, a concerning narrative surrounding democracy. At the moment, for instance, there’s lots of criticism of the West, the role of the West in European security. And also, probably the most concerning thing of all, is the suggestion that opposition parties should be banned in Georgia.
I’ve been to Georgia many times over the years, and I see this country as a very democratic, pluralistic country. I’ve worked in China, I’ve worked in Vietnam, which are one-party countries, and it’s obvious to me that Georgia is a pluralistic political culture. I would say that the reason why Georgia has such a good reputation in the West is because it has reformed and supported democracy over a 20-year period, and we don’t want to see it sliding backwards.
How much of that reputation is still intact?
This year, clearly, there have been some setbacks, and we can’t wish those away. But Georgia is about to have an election, and this is an opportunity for Georgia to demonstrate its democratic credentials to the West. This is a year of elections globally. We had an election in the UK, and we had a change of government. Democracy requires effort. It doesn’t just continue by itself. And that’s what we’re hoping to see in Georgia in the next few months.
The alienation between the foreign diplomatic corps and the Georgian gov’t has reached a point where a number of ambassadors are actually reluctant to communicate with the ruling party. Are you among them?
I’ve only been here six weeks, and the task of a diplomat, first and foremost, to my mind, is to identify the sources of power and to communicate and influence. I have been meeting with senior representatives of the Georgian Dream government, ministers, parliamentarians. And I’ve also been meeting with opposition figures, opposition parliamentarians, opposition politicians, which is normal, good practice. I’ve had a wide spectrum of contact, although only in Tbilisi so far. I need to get out and speak to more people in the towns and villages.
Those high-ranking gov’t representatives you met – what did they say to justify their actions and current rhetoric?
I’m not going to go into detail about the private conversations I’ve had, but there are arguments out there we can look at. For instance, the argument that civil society is dangerous and may be plotting to overthrow the government. Or that foreign influence is entering society through NGOs. I don’t see any evidence of that, and I don’t accept the argument – NGOs and independent media are an essential part in any democratic society. There’s always criticism of government from the third sector in the UK. It’s a normal part of the democratic process.
There’s always criticism of gov’t from the third sector in the UK. It’s a normal part of the democratic process
Some people also talk about the threat to traditional values coming from Western culture. And again, I reject it. I come from a country which has its share of problems, which has a society raising issues and debating hot topics, but, fundamentally, tolerance and human rights and the rule of law are the basis for our society. And when I’m here in Georgia, it feels similar. This feels like a tolerant society where different religious groups and different ethnic groups and different social groups can live together. So I don’t believe that there is some existential threat to traditional values.
And what of the narrative about a “global war party” encouraging Georgia to go to war with Russia?
I know a lot about Russia’s behavior. I worked in Russia for 10 years of my life, in the 1990s, 2000s and 2010s, and my own understanding of Russia’s approach has improved. We see their methods, which started in 2008 and continued in 2014 when Russia invaded Crimea and then Donbas, and now the whole of Ukraine, and not just those techniques of hot war, but also hybrid attacks. In the UK, we’ve experienced the nuclear and radiological poisoning of our citizens, and there have been sabotages across Europe. I think the facts speak for themselves: that Russia is the aggressor, and we, the rest of Europe, are coming together to strengthen ourselves and strengthen our resilience. The important thing from a UK point of view, is that we are standing together with our European and NATO allies and are clearly saying that international law should be respected. The borders of Ukraine, the borders of Georgia should be respected, and we will stand with Ukraine as long as it takes.
Russia has been quite vocal about the latest developments in Georgia. They’ve offered naught but glowing praise of the georgian government’s policies. What conclusions can be drawn from that?
I tend not to draw my conclusions from Maria Zakharova and other sources of disinformation, but I think it just reinforces that Russia is trying to pressure all European countries with its narratives, and we need to have strong media and strong civil society and strong governments to resist that pressure.
Georgia has a good reputation in the West because it reformed and supported democracy over a 20-year period. We don’t want to see it backsliding
Russia is not the only great power vying for influence in the region- China is becoming increasingly present. Any words of wisdom from your own experience?
I would say that the economic integration of China into the global economy has brought lots of benefits to the UK and other countries. And so, if Chinese tourists want to come to Georgia, then I think that’s excellent. They can join the British tourists and the Turkish tourists and the others. And China has also got a good record of infrastructure construction that has pushed forward the Chinese economy. If Chinese contractors are building roads in Georgia, then that’s good for the Georgian economy. The risk is, and this applies to China as much as it does to other countries, is to ensure that in Georgia’s economy, you don’t allow any strategic sector to be monopolized by one or another partner, because that gives those partners excessive leverage. There should be diversity in the economic strategy.
How robust has the West been in its response to the flow of anti-Western sentiment coming from Georgia’s ruling party?
Well, the UK is not part of the EU, so I’m not going to comment on the approach the EU is taking. The US has taken its own approach. In the UK, we have been expressing our concern about these trends to Georgian politicians and leaders. We still want to have a deep partnership with Georgia, one based on both interests and values, and we really hope that after the election, whoever wins, that that party or group of parties will return to a constructive relationship with us, where we can keep building trust and keep supporting each other.
And if that relationship deteriorates, especially at the expense of values, what is the UK’s approach going to be?
Numerous different scenarios are possible. But we do need to have a shared values, to maintain trust and continue that deep and broad relationship that we currently have. If we have less trust, we will have a slightly different type of relationship. The UK is not going to be walking away from Georgia. We will continue to cooperate, but we will base that cooperation on the levels of trust that we have.
Interview by Vazha Tavberidze
